Ayo Bamgbose, «Language and Exclusion. The Consequences of Language Policies in Africa»
| Autor | Dirk Naguschewski |
| Páginas | 303-308 |
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When in 1974 the French linguist Louis-Jean Calvet published his influential book Linguistique et colonialisme, he called the French language in the context of post- colonial Africa (which he considered to be stuck in a state of neocolonialism) a «langue exclusive»:
Language exclusion can be understood as a product of «elite closure», defined by Carol Myers- Scotton as «a type of social mobilization strategy by which those persons in power establish or maintain their powers and privileges via lingustic choices».3 Bamgbose on his part focuses on «the pervasive effect of exclusion that is attendant on language policies in most African countries» (p. 1), linking the exclusion of parts of the populace mainly to their lack of knowledge of the official language and to illiteracy, and pleading for measures to be taken by the state in order to limit the devastating effects of language exclusion. In chapter one, «Language Factor in Participation and Exclusion», Bamgbose in a somewhat unsystematic fashion draws attention to a number of causes for language exclusion, some being the consequences of state action (language proscription in the form of legislation, choice of official language and choice of medium of instruction in school being the most prominent, but also accordance of majority/minority status, neglect of immigrants’ languages, and provisions for the development of literacy), some of an economic orderPage 305(language proscription within companies, language requirements in job offers), and some being of psychological nature grounded on general societal beliefs (language stigmatization). He goes on to review possible means that can reduce language exclusion and lead to a more democratic empowerment of the people. He sees little practical value in universal documents such as the «Barcelona Universal Declaration of Linguistic Rights» or the «Language Plan of Action for Africa» adopted by the Organization of African Unity (parts of both are reproduced in the appendix, along with language provisions in the Constitution of South Africa, which can certainly be said to follow one of the most ambitious language policies by having recently granted offical status to no fewer that eleven languages). Instead, he favours measures to be taken by the state, that furthermore need to be integrated in an all-encompassing language policy. «Political empowerment entails the concept of participatory democracy, which means the involvement of the largest section of the population in the political process. Language is crucial to this involvement, for the use of a language controlled by the elite will not only marginalize the majority of the population but will make governance undemocratic and unrepresentative, since it will be the exclusive preserve of a minority» (p. 28), he justly concludes, and the measures he discusses range from language legislation and language development to be ensured by linguists, the adoption of second-language norms in the case of states where a European language is the official language, to the use of African languages in education and general incentives in order to publicize the devised policy and get the public’s support.
In the next chapter, «Language as a Resource», Bamgbose states that language does not only serve a communicative function, but also a symbolic one, which he calls «solidarity function» (p. 33). Pleading [SEE FIGURE IN ATTACHED PDF]Page 306for the preservation of endangered languages, he draws attention to the phenomenon of language prejudice, highlighting the fact that language policies will not be successful as long as factors such as prestige are not taken into consideration. An interesting example in this respect is the negative prestige African languages enjoy in South Africa, being linked to the policy of «Bantu education» during Apart- heid. Bamgbose himself clearly favours mother-tongue education, but he has to admit that «the enormous prestige that official languages such as English and French enjoy in African countries today is due not only to their utility in education, securing good jobs and advancement, but also to negative prejudice on the part of many Africans who prefer such languages to their own languages» (p. 37). While he judges this attitude to be a consequence of alienation due to the dominance of European languages in African states, he claims that these languages form part of the Africans‘ heritage all the same. Looking for a compromise that hopefully everyone can live with, he opts for a redefinition of language policy based on the complementarity of European and African languages.
All this, of course, does not come as a surprise, since the question of what languages best serve Africa’s needs has been a controversial issue for decades. But as Bamgbose shows in chapter three, language policies in African countries still suffer from a lack of consistency and implementation, leading to the continuation of forms of exclusion based on language unreconcilable with the spirit of democracy. He lauds the universities for devising means to teach African languages as subjects in schools, but as in the case of adult education, he regrets that not enough political will is deployed in order to enforce the utilitarian value of the mothertongues. Bamgbose, while showing clear convictions, takes a pragmatic stand: not every African language can be functional for education, some speakers of small minority languages will probably never get basic training in their mother tongue, due to constraints such as language development and, most importantly, negative language attitudes on behalf of the people as well as the policy-makers. The policy to be formulated needs, therefore, to be as democratic as possible, but it will never lead to equal opportunities for everyone. As a general policy for eradicating illiteracy and democratizing education, he advocates «the use of an African language as full media of instruction for the entire primary education» (p. 72), an idea inspired by the positive experiences of the Nigerian Six-Year Primary Project, that has unfortunately notPage 307led to similar programmes in other states. In the following chapter, «Language and the medium of instruction», Bamgbose diagnoses «the revival of ethnic consciousness virtually all over the world and demands for cultural authenticity» (p. 76), and wonders why all the unesco declarations favouring mother-tongue instruction have proven so fruitless, but basically reinforces certain points made in chapter three.
In his concluding chapter, «Language planning», Bamgbose tries to present a more systematic approach to the African state of affairs. After characterizing the context of language planning as being determined by prevailing multilingualism, the colonial legacy, the challenge of education, the quest for literacy, and the need for national integration and development, he harshly criticizes the activities set forth by African states, especially the lack of systematic procedure, a preoccupation with policy formulation, a lack of devices ensuring implementation, and, last but not least, elite domination of policy- making, illustrating his critique with examples from Malawi, Nigeria, Tanzania, and South Africa. He summarizes by saying, «Language planning in Africa has understandably been largely in the area of language policy formulation» (p. 98). In response to the claim set forth by some critics that the policy deployed by African governments cannot possibly be considered as language planning, he points out that policy formulation is «one of the four elements of language planning along with fact-finding, implementation and evaluation» (p. 98- 99). As agents of language planning Bamgbose lists governmental agencies or ministries, all sorts of language commissions and Centres of Applied Linguistics. Instruments used comprise constitutional clauses, decrees, circulars and other additional regulations. In the more or less private sector, language societies, professional associations, churches, publishing houses and even individuals such as renowned authors can be said to more or less explicitly act out their own language policies. «Language planning in most African countries has always been a top-to-bottom affair» (p. 112), Bamgbose regrets, but in opposition to critics that judge the African state as completely dysfunctional, he still believes in the role of the government, employing as his main argument the strong position African leaders have. But is it not hard to conceive of elite members inaugurating measures to change a linguistic situation that they have so comfortably grown accustomed to? Much of Bamgbose’s criticism does not incite too much optimism, but the question remains unasked and, therefore, unanswered.
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Language exclusion can be considered a universal in sociolinguistics. Language policies around the world need to be examined by linguists in order to inform decision- makers about possible options that conform to sociolinguistic expertise. Bamgbose gives an overview of the situation in Africa that, by the way, makes for enjoyable reading. Suitable language policies for African countries are still in the process of being debated. Meanwhile, one can only hope that researchers will come up with strategies that may eventually lead to more linguistic democracy —and convince politicians to take the necessary steps and the people to accept them.
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[1] . Louis-Jean Calvet (1974): Linguistique et colonialisme. Petit traité de glottophagie. Paris: Payot.
[2] . Ayo Bamgbose (1991): Language and the Nation. The Language Question in Sub-Saharan Africa. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP for the International African Institute.
[3] . Carol Myers-Scotton (1990): «Elite Closure as Boundary Maintenance: The Case of Africa», in: International Journal of the Sociology of Language 103, 149-163; quote on p. 149. Bamgbose refers to Myers-Scotton on p. 115.
