Ciberseguridad y ciberdiplomacia de la UE

AutorAgnes Kasper, Anna-Maria Osula, Anna Molnár
CargoUniversidad Tecnológica de Tallinn (TalTech)/Universidad Tecnológica de Tallinn (TalTech)/Universidad de la Administración Pública (Budapest)
Páginas1-15
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2021, Agnes Kasper, Anna-Maria Osula and Anna Molnár
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Dossier “Europe facing the digital challenge: obstacles and solutions”
EU cybersecurity and cyber
diplomacy
1
Agnes Kasper
Tallinn University of Technology (TalTech)
Anna-Maria Osula
Tallinn University of Technology (TalTech)
Anna Molnár
University of Public Service (Budapest)
Date of submission: May 2021
Accepted in: September 2021
Published in: December 2021
Abstract
Over the last decades cybersecurity has become a cornerstone of European digital development. Along-
side with the diffusion of information and communication technologies and the deepening (as well as
widening) of the European Union, the initial narrow and sectoral data security policies have expanded
into a comprehensive cybersecurity framework addressing issues from resilient infrastructure and
technological sovereignty, through tackling cybercrime, to cyber defence capabilities and responsible
state behaviour in cyberspace. In this complex web of interrelated policies a relative newcomer at the
European Union (EU) level is cyber diplomacy. Sometimes also called public diplomacy 2.0, it factors
into the cross-border connectivity of cyberspace and ref‌lects a shift in international relations where
the lines between external and internal policies, military and civilian domains are blurred. However, the
term cyber diplomacy is f‌luid and it is not well understood which topics should be under its “umbrella”,
in particular in relation to cybersecurity, where it seems to be linked the most. This article aims to map
1. This work was carried out with the support of the Erasmus+ programme of the European Union, CASPA Project
(Erasmus+ 2020-1-EE01-KA203-077958). The European Commission support for the production of this publication
does not constitute an endorsement of the contents which reflects only the views of the authors, and the Commission
cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.
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EU cybersecurity and cyber diplomacy
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existing and proposed instruments that make up the EU’s arsenal in this broad context to answer the
following questions: what is cyber diplomacy and how is it related to the EU cybersecurity? Is cyber
diplomacy in the EU becoming something in its own right as a distinct set of tools to secure the EU
policy objectives?
Keywords
cyber diplomacy; cybersecurity; EU cyber policy; diplomacy 2.0
Ciberseguridad y ciberdiplomacia de la UE
Resumen
Durante las últimas décadas, la ciberseguridad se ha convertido en una piedra angular del desarro-
llo digital europeo. Junto con la difusión de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación, y
la profundización (así como la ampliación) de la Unión Europea, las políticas de seguridad de datos
sectoriales y estrechas iniciales se han expandido a un marco integral de seguridad cibernética que
aborda cuestiones de infraestructura resiliente y soberanía tecnológica, mediante la lucha contra la
ciberdelincuencia, a las capacidades de defensa cibernética y al comportamiento estatal responsable
en el ciberespacio. En esta compleja red de políticas interrelacionadas, un recién llegado en el ámbito
de la UE es la ciberdiplomacia. A veces también llamada diplomacia pública 2.0, tiene en cuenta la
conectividad transfronteriza del ciberespacio y ref‌leja un cambio en las relaciones internacionales en
las que las líneas entre las políticas externas e internas, los dominios militar y civil se difuminan. Sin
embargo, el término ciberdiplomacia es f‌luido y no se comprende bien qué temas tendrían que perte-
necer a su “paraguas”, en particular en relación con la ciberseguridad, a la cual parece más vinculado.
Este artículo tiene como objetivo trazar un mapa de los instrumentos existentes y propuestos que
forman el arsenal de la UE en este amplio contexto para responder las preguntas siguientes: ¿qué
es la ciberdiplomacia y cómo se relaciona con la ciberseguridad de la UE? ¿Se está convirtiendo la
ciberdiplomacia en la UE en algo por derecho propio como un conjunto diferente de herramientas para
asegurar los objetivos políticos de la UE?
Palabras clave
ciberdiplomacia; ciberseguridad; ciberpolítica de la UE; diplomacia 2.0
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Introduction
Diplomacy has three vectors: agency (who), process
(how) and subject matter (what) (Riordan, 2019, p. vii).
The contemporary def‌inition of diplomacy also seems to
relate to the process of conducting negotiations between
representatives of states or international organisations
(or non-state actors) (Pigman, 2010, pp. 5-7).
The term ‘cyber diplomacy’ seems to suggest that it re-
lates to a particular way of dealing with various problems
arising in cyberspace. Yet, such problems range from
issues of internet governance to addressing cybercrime,
from critical infrastructure protection to cyberespionage,
cyberconf‌lict, as well as responsible state behaviour in
cyberspace, and these do not only refer to state vs state
relations. Indeed, if we are about to ask questions on cyber
diplomacy in the context of the European Union (EU), we
need to take into account that signif‌icant variations to the
Westphalian concept of state sovereignty are prominent
in the EU’s existence, and that the virtual lack of physical
borders in cyberspace certainly poses both theoretical
and practical challenges in understanding sovereignty,
and more so for the concept of collective sovereignty.
Since its foundation, the European Union has been de-
scribed as a sui generis international actor, as a unique
and complex creature in international relations. While it
is not a simple international organisation based on in-
tergovernmental cooperation, it is not a state either. The
EU has developed a sui generis cyber diplomacy toolbox
and framework, a complex web of interrelated policies
concerning digital development and cybersecurity which
has two prongs. The f‌irst element is civilian, as the EU
opted for a non-military cybersecurity policy in its Cyber
Diplomacy Toolbox in 2017 (Council, 2017); the second el-
ement is military, since cyber defence is a sine qua non of
the new EU Cybersecurity Strategy adopted in December
2020 (Commission, 2020a). Moreover, the Cyber Diploma-
cy toolbox was the foundation for further proposals on
the EU’s cyber deterrence posture, which should also give
direction countering those cyber-attacks that affect criti-
cal infrastructures, democratic institutions and processes,
as well supply-chain attacks and cyber-enabled theft of
intellectual property — projecting a clear link to the digital
single market and its related policies. This points to the
widening breath of the concept of cyberdefence, blending
military and civilian aspects of cybersecurity, since both
the protection of military and civilian assets depend on
critical infrastructures, as well as on the integrity of sup-
ply chains.
This complexity raises several questions: what are the
meaning and scope of cyber diplomacy in the EU context?
What are the cyberspace problems the EU aims to address
through diplomacy? How is this diplomatic approach re-
lated to its cybersecurity policy?
This article maps out existing and proposed instruments
that make up the arsenal in this broad context in order to
get a f‌irst idea of what we can call EU cyber diplomacy.
The mapping exercise reveals that the EU cyber diplo-
macy is a distinct set of tools that ref‌lects the need for
the EU to secure its policy objectives. In chapters 1 and
2 we lay foundations regarding global concepts of cyber
diplomacy and the EU’s cybersecurity policy. In the follow-
ing chapters (3 and 4) we steer the attention to obvious
‘cyber diplomatic’ developments in the EU, and we also
argue that there is more to EU cyber diplomacy than what
meets the eye. We conclude that the EU cyber diplomacy
is a function of the political economy driven mainly by the
single market.
1. Concept of cyber diplomacy
There are several def‌initions of the concept of cyber di-
plomacy in the literature. Summarising the different def‌i-
nitions, cyber diplomacy can be described as diplomacy of
cyberspace or the use of diplomatic resources, initiatives
and the performance of diplomatic functions to promote
national interests that are def‌ined in national cybersecu-
rity strategies. It deals with the international aspects of
cyber issues (Barrinha & Renard, 2017, pp. 355-356; Smith
& Sutherland, 2002; Manantan, 2021). In the context of the
EU, cyber diplomacy aims to promote the adoption of new
“norms regulating the behaviour of state and non-state
actors in cyberspace” (Cotroneo et al., 2021).
The systematic literature review conducted by Attatfa,
Renaud and De Paoli (2020, p. 61) concluded that cyber
diplomacy relates to resolving issues arising from the in-
ternational use of cyberspace, and in this process tools of
diplomacy and a diplomatic mindset are applied. Although
the authors also pointed out the scarcity of relevant litera-
ture, whereas only 21 relevant studies written by European
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and North American authors could be found for intensive
analysis, the main dimensions of cyber diplomacy are
identif‌ied by the following keywords: public, state-led,
inter-country ties, coercive power, military, facilitating
observation, gathering information, non-governmental
(p. 64). It was also noted that so far, no study sought to
distinguish cyber diplomacy from the more traditional and
well-established diplomacy.
Firstly, data protection-related issues, then more general
cyberspace-related matters, national interests and goals
are laid down in national and regional cybersecurity strat-
egies. Key issues on the cyber diplomacy agenda typically
include the above-mentioned dimension in the context
of cybersecurity, cyberdefence, cybercrime, conf‌idence
building, internet freedom and internet governance. Key
players in cyber diplomacy include traditional diplomats
and representatives of the various stakeholders that
play a key role in this policy area. As a continuing trend,
Ministries of Foreign Affairs are also assigning the role of
Cyber Ambassadors to diplomats who are in charge of dip-
lomatic activities and negotiations related to cyber policy
(Barrinha & Renard, 2017, p. 3).
As tensions between individual actors and, consequently,
between great powers are becoming more frequent in
cyberspace today, there is a growing need for interna-
tional negotiations and agreements to resolve these
types of conf‌lict. In recent decades, the EU has played an
increasingly active role in this f‌ield (Renard, 2018), and
for example in September 2021 the High Representative
of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy called
upon Chinese authorities to act against malicious cyber
activities undertaken from its territory (Council, 2021a).
While the use of ICT (information and communication
technology) tools is becoming more widespread at the
different levels of foreign affairs administration, cyber
diplomacy and e-diplomacy — also known as electronic
or digital diplomacy — can be def‌ined as two different
concepts. Although the use of the two concepts is often
confusing, sometimes these are used as synonyms, there
is a signif‌icant difference between the two concepts. The
main difference is that e-diplomacy or digital diplomacy
means the use of digital tools (new technologies and so-
2. Realism, liberalism, constructivism.
cial media) by diplomats and politicians (Molnár, 2020a,
p. 344). According to Tom Fletcher, e-diplomacy was off‌i-
cially born in 1994, when Swedish Foreign Secretary Carl
Bildt sent his f‌irst off‌icial diplomatic email to Bill Clinton.
The Swedish diplomat thus congratulated the US Pres-
ident on lifting the embargo against Vietnam (Barrinha
& Renard, 2017, p. 3). In contrast, Smith and Sutherland
use the term of cyber diplomacy to describe increasingly
intensive diplomatic activities using digital means. (Smith
& Sutherland, 2002, p. 155.) On the other hand, as stated
by Ostwald and Dierkes, digital diplomacy means an active
presence on Twitter, or on other social media platforms, as
digital diplomacy facilitates a “direct person-to-person en-
gagement”, which is not possible on a large scale through
traditional forms of diplomacy (Ostwald & Dierkes, 2018,
pp. 203-206).
Riordan (2019, p. 20) also distinguishes between digital
diplomacy and cyber diplomacy by pointing out that the
former refers to the promotion of diplomatic agendas by
using digital tools, while the latter is the application of
diplomacy to the problems arising in cyberspace. He goes
further suggesting that the diplomatic approach to cyber-
space encompasses a certain way of thinking about and
engagement with cyberspace by those who practice cyber
diplomacy. It is emphasised that the role and attributes
of diplomats in cybersecurity are similar to their role in
physical space. However, the argument is put forward that
cyber diplomacy is also about developing multi-stakehold-
er diplomatic capability and it is for the cyber diplomats
to build an international cybercommunity to which states
and non-state actors will want to belong, and consequently
follow the rules of this community (Riordan, 2019, pp. 23-
31). Arguably it is the result of such diplomatic community
building that in the aftermath of the 2019 October serious
cyberattacks against the Georgian social and economic
infrastructure, the European Union and its Member States
expressed their concern and declared their will to “con-
tinue to assist Georgia in increasing its cyber resilience”
(Council, 2021b).
Mártonffy (2020) suggests that academic discussions on
cyber diplomacy have three focal points according to the
traditional international relations paradigms:
2
cyber diplo-
macy as a function of cybersecurity and more generally
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power; cyber diplomacy as a function of economic inter-
dependence, rule of law and international organisations;
and f‌inally cyber diplomacy as a function of norms.
Therefore, based on the foregoing, the main distinguish-
ing features of cyber diplomacy may be its subject matter
(discussed in the next paragraph), maturity of the f‌ield and
its likely emerging multi-level and heterogeneous network
of actors in this technology-ridden domain. What remains
intact is the diplomats’ readiness and skill to engage with
all manner of actors; and their willingness to accept ‘good
enough’ outcomes since global problems can often only
be managed, but not solved (Riordan, 2019, p. 31). The con-
cept and subject matter of cyber diplomacy may also vary
depending on one’s vantage point and whether the realist,
liberal or constructivist thinking is applied.
The only study, to our knowledge, that addresses the broad
spectrum of subject matter areas also referred to within the
EU’s broader cyber policy context is Riordan’s work (2019),
where cyber diplomacy is divided into four subdomains: (1)
internet governance, including purely technical issues, as
well as data protection, encryption and content regulation;
(2) mitigating cyberconf‌lict or use of cyberspace in conf‌lict
between states; (3) business cyber diplomacy; and (4) algo-
rithms and internet companies, on the face of which cyber
diplomats arguably need to challenge algorithms. While
these subdomains are not a perfect match, they could be
discernible for detailed analysis in the EU’s context. Howev-
er, for the purposes of this paper we keep our main focus
on the second subdomain, since that relates most explicitly
to relations between nation states, while also pointing to
some elements in other subdomains.
As to the maturity and actors of the f‌ield, and in terms of
power, the abilities to shape aspects of the global cyber-
security landscape, it appears that the EU has been on the
receiving end when compared with major cyber powers,
such as the US and China. The EU’s ‘soft’ powers (also in
terms of cyber powers), and lack of ‘hard’ cyber capabil-
ities at hand may raise questions for some on the credi-
bility of deterrence coming from the EU, but also point to
the specif‌ic nature of the EU that relies on its persuasive,
normative and economic force, its subject-matter exper-
tise and coordinating role (Kasper & Vernygora, 2021).
On the international level, the EU gives great importance
to the application of international law to cyberspace,
and the implementation of voluntary non-binding cyber
norms, rules and principles of responsible state behav-
iour in cyberspace as agreed in the UN GGE 2013 and
2015 consensus reports (UN 2013; UN 2015). As ref‌lected
in the work of UN GGE and OEWG, and in other venues,
the EU Member States and the EU itself also promote the
development of conf‌idence building measures, capacity
building and cooperation with international stakeholders.
Importantly, the EU has suggested in its recent Cyberse-
curity Strategy that its 27 Member States should develop
a common EU position on the application of international
law in cyberspace (Commission, 2020, p. 20).
2. Brief Overview of the EU’s
Cyber Policy Framework
According to Carrapico and Barrinha (2018), the EU ini-
tiated its activities related to electronic communication
and computer security in the second half of the 1990s,
but the development of “a fully-f‌ledged approach to cyber
security” has only begun in the last two decades. Chris-
tou (2018) found that following the distributed denial of
service attacks on Estonian private and public institutions
and infrastructures in 2007, the EU has been forced to
strengthen its approach to cyber security. Since then,
a growing number of cyber-attacks against individuals,
governmental institutions, companies and critical infra-
structures in the EU have increasingly raised awareness
of threats and risks related to cyberspace. This process
has led to the creation of a comprehensive legal, policy
and institutional framework covering all key policy areas
of the EU, including cybercrime and cyber defence.
For example, the need to f‌ight against cybercrime has
prompted the EU to establish a framework for cooper-
ation at EU level in this area as well. At the beginning
of this Millennium, this process was followed by the
adoption of legal measures (such as the 2005 Council
Framework Decision on attacks against information sys-
tems) and the creation of new institutional structures
(such as the European Network and Information Security
Agency – ENISA in 2004 and the European Cybercrime
Center at Europol, EC3 in 2013) (Carrapico & Barrinha,
2018, p. 299). In the domain of defence, there is a grow-
ing consensus that the instability and unpredictability
characterising the global security environment requires
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a unif‌ied response from the EU and its Member States,
including in responding to hybrid threats and cyber-at-
tacks. Here, the latest developments include the review
of the Cyber Defence Policy Framework and the upcom-
ing ‘Military Vision and Strategy on Cyberspace as a
Domain of Operations’.
The EU has developed a complex ecosystem of cyberse-
curity according to the Union’s areas of responsibilities.
Article 3 of the Treaty on the EU enshrines the main ob-
jectives and policy areas of the Union. These include the
promotion of peace and values, the establishment of an
area of freedom, security and justice, the completion of
the single market, the creation of the eurozone and the
promotion of its values in external relations. A multi-level
(national, regional and global) system of cybersecurity
governance across three distinct policy areas (freedom,
justice and security (AFSJ), the internal market, and the
Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has emerged
(Christou, 2018, pp. 1-2).
According to the report of the European Court of Audi-
tors, the complex ecosystem of the EU’s cybersecurity
policy is closely linked to internal policy areas, “such as
justice and home affairs, the digital single market and
research policies. In external policy, cybersecurity fea-
tures in diplomacy, and is increasingly part of the EU’s
emerging defence policy” (European Court of Auditors,
2019, p. 12). As cyberspace has become a priority area
of international relations, cyber diplomacy has prwoven
to be an integral part of the EU’s foreign policy toolbox.
Activities related to cyber diplomacy mainly concern the
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and as an
integral part of it, the CSDP, but the international rep-
resentation of cyber security issues related to the inter-
nal market and the establishment of an area of freedom,
security and justice also belongs to cyber diplomacy. As
a result of the comprehensive peculiarity of this issue,
practically all institutions, bodies and agencies in the
European Union are involved in the preparation and
implementation of cybersecurity policy, which is shown
below in Table 1.
The European External Action Service (EEAS) is tasked
with the management and conducting the diplomatic re-
lations of the EU, having within its competence the CFSP
and the CSDP. The EEAS’s role is paramount in cyber
diplomacy, strategic communication and areas related to
cyber defence, and it also hosts the European Union In-
telligence Analysis Centre (INTCEN) and the Military Staff
Intelligence Directorate, thereby bringing under the same
roof intelligence and analysis centres dealing with cyber
issues, as well as civilian and military situational aware-
ness. This structure also includes the Hybrid Fusion cell
established in 2016 within INTCEN to improve situational
awareness and support decision making, and it gathers
and analyses classif‌ied and open source information con-
cerning hybrid threats (European Court of Auditors, 2019,
p. 50; Molnár, 2020b, p. 450).
Having its own complex internal structures, the EU is also
actively shaping the legal and policy framework of inter-
national cybersecurity, being an actor as well part of the
institutional framework at the international level. The next
chapter analyses how the core cyber diplomacy pillar of
this structure functions.
Cybersecurity in the EU: Areas of responsibility and institutional framework
Single Market Freedom, security and justice CFSP: cyber diplomacy CSDP: cyber defence
European Commission DGs EEAS
CERT-EU Europol (EC3) SIAC (EU INTCEN, Hybrid Fusion Cell, EUMS INT)
ENISA Eurojust EU SITROOM
CSIRT network ESDC
EU-LISA EDA
GSA
Source: own elaboration based on Bendiek, 2018, p. 4
Table 1. Cybersecurity institutional framework in the EU
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3. Establishing the Cyber Diplomacy
Toolbox
3.1. Emergence of cyber diplomacy in the EU
The international role of the EU related to cyber issues is
driven by several foreign policy documents and strategies.
The cornerstone of the EU cyber policy is certainly the Cy-
bersecurity Strategy adopted in 2013 (Commission, 2013),
and updated in 2020 (Commission, 2020), which aims to
ensure the EU’s online environment is the safest in the
world, protect an open and free internet, and promote
cyber-related cooperation with strategic partners, which
were at the heart of the negotiations and discussions with
United States, Japan, South Korea, India and Brazil (Mol-
nár, 2020, p. 451).
An important milestone in 2015 was the adoption of the
Council’s conclusions on cyber diplomacy to support the
EU’s collective efforts (Council, 2015a). For the f‌irst time,
the EU off‌icially used the term cyber diplomacy, and the
Member States agreed that the wide range of issues re-
lated to cybersecurity must be addressed in a coherent
manner. Such an international cyber policy was foreseen
to promote the EU’s political, economic and strategic
interests and continue international bi- and multilateral
discussions with key international partners and organisa-
tions as well as the civil society and the private sector.
As with all the other cyberspace-related EU’s instruments,
this development also followed a value-based approach
aimed at promoting and protecting a global, open, free,
stable and secure cyberspace with a focus on human
rights and fundamental freedoms and the rule of law
(Council, 2015a, p. 1).
3.2. Growing complexity of the cybersecurity
policy and the Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox
One of the challenges related to establishing a cyber
policy is the multifaceted nature of cybersecurity which
entails a number or specif‌ic, yet interlinked topics. For the
EU, these topics include the above-mentioned cyberse-
curity, the promotion and protection of human rights in
cyberspace, the application of existing international law,
rule of law and norms of behaviour in cyberspace, but also
Internet governance, the digital economy, cyber capacity
building and development, and strategic cyber relations
(Council, 2015a, p. 1). All these domains have their own
policies, strategic views and action plans which include
the domestic Member State level, the regional EU level
and global developments. In order to develop a solid EU
cyber policy, the Union needs to achieve greater coher-
ence among Member States and translate the discussions
into clear messages to be ref‌lected to external partners.
In turn, a common and comprehensive approach to cyber
diplomacy can also increase the effectiveness of re-
sponses to cyber threats, as well as contribute to conf‌lict
prevention and greater stability in international relations.
Turning words into action, the 2016 implementation plan
on security and defence conf‌irmed this direction and key
intelligence bodies within the EEAS turned their attention
to cyber issues (Bendiek, 2018, pp. 1-2). Like with other ar-
eas of the EU’s CFSP, the EU’s vision on the governance of
cyberspace needs greater visibility, expanding the joined-
up approach across policy sectors and demonstrating a
veritable union in action among Member States (European
Union, 2019, p. 30).
In response to the increased ability and willingness of
State and non-state actors to pursue their objectives in
cyberspace by carrying out undertaking malicious cyber
activities, the EU Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox, that was built
on the EU’s CFSP Policy Toolbox, was adopted in 2017
(Council, 2017a). This was a signif‌icant development for
the EU because it established a framework for a joint EU
response for malicious cyber activities and outlined the
processes for invoking such measures. The aim was to
establish a framework for joint EU diplomatic action to
facilitate cooperation, promote risk reduction and inf‌lu-
ence the behaviour of potential attackers, also applying
measures used under the CFSP (e.g., restrictive means,
aka sanctions). According to the Council conclusions, “a
joint EU response to malicious cyber activities would be
proportionate to the scope, scale, duration, intensity, com-
plexity, sophistication and impact of the cyber activity”
(Council, 2017b).
Soon after the adoption of the Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox,
the Political and Security Committee adopted the corre-
sponding implementing guidelines (Council 2017c), which
listed f‌ive categories of measures within the Cyber Diplo-
macy Toolkit. These included restrictive measures and the
procedure for imposing such measures, as well as preven-
tive, cooperative, stability measures and possible support
to Member States’ lawful responses (Council, 2019).
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By outlining concrete consequences and thereby aiming
to inf‌luence the behaviour of possible aggressors, the
toolbox serves as classic deterrence. In particular, it is
noteworthy that the EU announced that not all measures
included in the joint EU diplomatic response to malicious
cyber activities require attribution, and that attribution
remains a sovereign political decision based on all-source
intelligence (Council, 2017a, p. 4).
The measures presented in the guidelines for the imple-
mentation of the toolbox are a combination of diplomatic,
political and economic actions. These can be used to both
prevent or respond to a malicious cyber activity, including
in situations where the incident does not rise to the level
of internationally wrongful acts but can still be considered
as an unfriendly act. The measures can be used inde-
pendently, or in parallel, either by an individual Member
State, collectively with other Member States, by Member
States in cooperation with the EU institutions or by the
EU institutions themselves. Coordination with like-minded
partners and international organisations is encouraged
(Council, 2017c, pp. 14-15).
The following section employs the framework of f‌ive cat-
egories of measures proposed by the 2017 Cyber Diplo-
macy Toolbox and analyses the EU’s activities since the
adoption of the document in 2017.
3.3. Implementation
3.3.1. Preventive measures
This group of policy tools includes Conf‌idence Building
Measures (CBMs), awareness raising and capacity build-
ing. The EU has numerous ongoing initiatives in these
areas, both acting as a common voice for the Union and
serving individual Member States’ objectives, and these
are being ref‌lected in several policy documents such as
the 2018 Cyber Defence Policy Framework (Council, 2018,
p. 8). For example, specif‌ically in the domain of cyber di-
plomacy, the EU Cyber Diplomacy Support Initiative 2021-
2023 aims to promote the EU’s position and disseminate
its core values via various outreach and capacity building
activities with a wide range of stakeholders, both internal
and external, governmental and non-governmental. Cyber
dialogues, cooperation and sharing best practices take
place at bilateral, multilateral and regional fora, covering
organisations such as Organisation for Security and Co-
operation Europe, ASEAN Regional Forum, Organisation
of American States, African Union, G7, and UN bodies as
appropriate. Bilaterally, the project underlines the coop-
eration with the US, China, Japan, the Republic of Korea,
India and Brazil (Commission, 2020b).
3.3.2. Cooperative measures
Member States may also make use of the cooperation
through EU-led political and thematic dialogues or
through démarches by the EU Delegations to signal the
seriousness of the situation, facilitate peaceful resolution
of an ongoing malicious incident, ask for assistance in
mitigating the malicious activity or ask a third country
to join in the response to a malicious cyber activity. Such
measures could be used for third countries or internation-
al organisations (Council, 2017c, p. 7).
An example of a combination of preventive, cooperative
and stability functions is the work ongoing within multi-
lateral cyber initiatives and forums. The Cyber Diplomacy
Toolbox makes several references to existing EU cyber
diplomacy engagement within NATO, the UN and its
support to the voluntary norms and guidelines from the
UN Groups of Governmental Experts, work of the OSCE
(CBMs) and the Council of Europe (Budapest Convention),
and others (Council, 2017c, pp. 3-4).
3.3.3. Stability measures
Stability measures include statements by the High Rep-
resentative and on behalf of the Council of the EU, EU
Council conclusions, diplomatic démarches by the EU
delegations and signaling through EU-led political and
thematic dialogues. All these measures have a signaling
effect which underlines awareness, points to the conse-
quences and serves as a form of strategic communication
and inf‌luence on potential aggressors. For example, Coun-
cil conclusions can be used to express a political position,
to invite another EU institution to take action, or to pre-
pare a proposal for coordinated Member States’ action on
a specif‌ic issue (Council, 2017c, p. 8).
3.3.4. Restrictive measures
Restrictive measures, or sanctions, are designed to in-
f‌luence a change in policy or activity by the target. The
target may be a country, government, entity or individual.
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Such measures may include travel bans, arms embargoes,
freezing funds or economic resources, and the document
also mentions the mutual assistance clause of the Lisbon
Treaty (Article 42.7). In 2019 the Council of the EU decided
to introduce a legal framework for restrictive measures to
help improve the response and deterrence capacity of the
Union. On 17 May 2019, Council Decision (CFSP) 2019/797
and Council Regulation (EU) 2019/796 were taken on
restrictive measures against cyber-attacks threatening
the Union or its Member States (Council, 2019a; Council,
2019b). The decision clarif‌ies that the measures in ques-
tion are within the scope of the CFSP, and the regulation
allows the EU to impose sanctions as a response to cy-
ber-attacks with a signif‌icant effect which constitute an
external threat to the Union or its Member States (Coun-
cil, 2019a). Thus, the new legal framework allows the EU to
impose sanctions such as asset freezing, travel ban, etc. to
deter and respond to signif‌icant cyber-attacks, however
these sanctions need to be effective, proportionate and
dissuasive (Commission, 2019, p. 8).
The EU Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox was f‌irst used in June
2020. As of May 2021, a total of 8 persons and 4 entities
and bodies have been targeted by restrictive measures in
relation to cyber-attacks targeting the EU or its Member
States.
3
Importantly, the EU is working on further def‌ining
its cyber deterrence posture, in particular regarding coun-
tering signif‌icant cyber-attacks affecting critical infra-
structure, democratic institutions and processes. Future
work will also include discussions on additional measures
for the cyber diplomacy toolbox as well as updating the
implementation guidelines. As a ref‌lection of the overar-
ching role of cyber diplomacy, the new EU Cybersecurity
Strategy also suggests to “further integrate the cyber di-
plomacy toolbox in EU crisis mechanisms, seek synergies
with efforts to counter hybrid threats, disinformation and
foreign interference” (Commission, 2020a).
3.3.5. Possible EU support to Member States’
lawful responses
The EU may also support or complement other lawful
responses by Member States, carried out individually
3. ‘Malicious Cyber-Attacks: EU Sanctions Two Individuals and One Body over 2015 Bundestag Hack’, accessed 6 May 2021, https://www.
consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2020/10/22/malicious-cyber-attacks-eu-sanctions-two-individuals-and-one-body-over-2015-
bundestag-hack/
or collectively. For example, international law offers the
victim State, if being the target of an internationally
wrongful act, remedies such as the right to launch propor-
tional countermeasures. Member States may also employ
their inherent right of individual or collective self-defence
as recognised in Article 51 of the Charter of the United
Nations or choose to invoke article 42 (7) TEU to call on
other Member States to provide aid and assistance, or
possibly also engage the solidarity clause.
4. Other areas of cyber diplomacy
The fact that the EU is not a federal state, but a unique
and complex creature with limited competences is conse-
quential when addressing questions of cyber diplomacy in
and related to the EU. With the EU’s 2013 Cybersecurity
Strategy it became clear that cybersecurity is regarded as
a strategic issue and that it encompasses a broad range of
policy areas, as well as levels, and that the complexity of
the issues dictates a comprehensive and layered approach.
The 2013 Strategy, however, remained preoccupied with
cyber threats emanating from the economic sphere.
This economic focus f‌its well with the EU’s character and
competences. The EU is, after all, a unique economic and
political cooperation with the highest density of regular
diplomatic interactions (Mauer & Wright, 2020). Unsur-
prisingly therefore, dialogues and negotiations about
cyber issues within the EU and among Member States
continued as part of the daily routine. In this respect to
treat cybercrime as a concern for ‘business cyber diplo-
macy’, as Riordan suggested (2019), makes sense.
Nevertheless, to def‌ine cybercrime issues as a problem of
the private sector creates the risk to overlook the public
interest dimension and thus the importance of interna-
tional harmonisation on both substantive and procedural
rules (such as represented by and progress pursued within
the framework of the Budapest Convention). Indeed, in
2021, Europol reported a noteworthy growth in the num-
ber of ransomware attacks on public institutions and large
companies. On the bases of the reports, we can mention
cyber-attacks on public sector organisations in healthcare
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and education or businesses in f‌inance or energy. The EU
institutions have also become the target of these attacks.
(Europol, 2021).
Continuing on the idea of the importance of economy
and business, Lohmann and other scholars have argued
that as a result of declining utility of the use of [kinetic]
military force and growing political and economic interde-
pendence, in the 21st century, economic means of state
and economic diplomacy were elevated as a preferred
policy option to address various threats to national secu-
rity (Lohmann, 2017). While the EU internal market can be
regarded as the ultimate success of economic diplomacy
among the Member States, it should also be noted that
core issues in cybersecurity have been inseparably linked
to the establishment and smooth functioning of the inter-
nal market from the outset.
4
The f‌irst rules concerning
network and information security were in legislation reg-
ulating electronic communications, personal data protec-
tion, electronic signatures and e-commerce — policy areas
clearly within the internal market; however, the cyber
aspects were rather secondary and incidental. From 2013
specif‌ic measures of cybersecurity policy were adopted,
such as the Directive 2013/40/EU on attacks against
information systems (that deals with the harmonisation
of substantive criminal law, in particular cybercrimes),
and they refer back to the need for the “development of
the internal market and of a competitive and innovative
economy”.
5
Even the EU Cyber Defence Policy Framework
(2018 update) makes it clear that “several EU policies
contribute to the objectives of cyber defence policy…,
[such as] the Network and Information Security Directive
…which lays down measures with a view to achieving a
high common level of security of network and information
systems within the Union so as to improve the functioning
of the internal market” and the “[Cyber Defence Policy
Framework] also takes into account relevant regulation,
policy and technology support in the civilian domain”
(Council, 2018).
Cyber diplomacy in the EU context has a strong econom-
ic element and direct link to the internal market and its
4. In Case C-217/04 the European Court of Justice considered whether Article 95 EC was the correct choice as a legal basis for the regulation
establishing the European Network and Information Security Agency.
5. Preamble (2).
policies, and also many policies have a cyber dimension.
This complexity has raised questions about the coherence
of the EU’s cybersecurity policy, as well as about the in-
stitutional arrangements on how cyber-related issues are
coordinated at different levels. Carrapico and Barrinha
(2017) pointed out that the distinction between national,
European and global levels is blurred when it comes to
cybersecurity, and changes on any of these levels are
not without consequences to the others. The EU’s 2020
Cybersecurity Strategy resonates with this reality and
describes the desired mindset without distinguishing
between the levels: “[g]overnments, businesses and
individuals need therefore to use digital tools in a respon-
sible, security-conscious manner” (Commission, 2020).
Similar ideas of interdependence between the levels are
entertained by Troitiño, Kerikmäe and Chochia (2020, p.
209), who argue that further integration is necessary in
all those areas, which are implicated in foreign affairs in
the EU. Arguably, therefore, cyber diplomacy in the EU
encompasses implementation of Member States cyberse-
curity-related policies on the EU level (which also includes
areas where the EU has exclusive competences), as well as
coordination and consolidation of such policies with the
aim to enhance their effectiveness globally.
Four issues are pointed out here brief‌ly for future refer-
ence, which demonstrate both the entanglement of in-
ternal and external dimensions, as well as the sui generis
nature of EU cyber diplomacy: standardisation, internet
governance, personal data protection and critical infra-
structure protection. All these issues are most closely at
the heart of the EU’s cybersecurity policy and have strong
internal focus, as well as interaction with the international
level.
Standardisation efforts are undertaken both in tech and
legal contexts. For example, the Cybersecurity Act explic-
itly addresses cybersecurity standards and certif‌ications,
and this is supplemented by other market-focused instru-
ments trying to steer the online presence of businesses
towards applying higher security measures (e.g., at least
informing consumers about available security updates).
6
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Internet governance issues are very prominent in the
2020 cybersecurity strategy. The EU foresees an ultra-se-
cure quantum communications infrastructure for public
authorities, inadvertently expressing low trust in the secu-
rity of the current networks, and the Commission intends
to develop a European DNS resolver service (DNS4EU) to
decrease the dependence of the EU on external providers.
It also signed up for a particular approach regarding en-
cryption that was set out in a Council resolution, — “secu-
rity through encryption and security despite encryption
(Council, 2020). Other technical aspects on the use of
internet resources and operation of the internet, such
as net neutrality, which is arguably a factor limiting the
response capabilities of legitimate actors (Hartmann &
Giles, 2018, p. 139), as well as several elements (e.g., data
retention) in the electronic communications f‌ield, remain
key, but also controversial issues in cybersecurity. How-
ever, the 2020 strategy is careful on interlinking with the
mostly market-based personal data protection policy area,
as mentions are indirect. However, being aware where the
EU’s cybersecurity policy started from and also having in
regard sections 32-35 of the General Data Protection Reg-
ulation (GDPR) on security in particular, the careful rheto-
ric is no reason to conclude that the GDPR is anything but
a cybersecurity tool, which has effects both within the EU
as well as externally.
Conclusions
The EU cyber diplomacy is ultimately a function of eco-
nomic interdependence both at global, as well as intra-EU
levels, whose focus is a natural consequence of the Un-
ion’s sui generis character. Consequently, it relates to a
broad spectrum of cybersecurity policy areas: its non-mil-
itary cyber policy, its heavy reliance on its economic might
and market-oriented solutions, as well the EU’s normative
power and appeal in cybersecurity-related areas. The EU
cyber diplomacy areas derive their relevance from the
central importance of the single market and the protec-
tion of fundamental rights. Therefore, the EU cyber di-
plomacy deals with reducing cyber threats to the (digital)
single market and the protection of fundamental rights;
as well as reducing the EU’s own vulnerabilities and weak-
nesses that expose these areas to harms originating from
cyberspace. Engagement in the normative discussion on
international cybersecurity by the Union is in line with its
character and given its lack of offensive cyber capabilities
and technological reliance on external actors, its tools to
reduce cyber threats are naturally limited. Hence, the in-
ternal focus and reduction of vulnerabilities internally and
building resilience at the level of Member States needs to
be an integral part of the EU’s cyber diplomacy.
Similarly to cybersecurity, cyber diplomacy is a mul-
ti-layered concept and needs to be developed keeping
in mind the interrelations between different subtopics
related to cyber policy. To promote more coherent policy
messages and goals, cyber diplomacy should keep away
from compartmentalisation and aim for a comprehensive
approach. As has been demonstrated by this article, cy-
ber diplomacy has become an integral part of CFSP and
issues related to cyber policy should therefore be part of
all negotiations.
Developments in the EU also point at the increasing rele-
vance of assisting Member States with effective respons-
es for malicious cyber incidents. The EU’s objective is to
develop its cyber deterrence posture, in particular regard-
ing countering signif‌icant cyber-attacks affecting critical
infrastructures, democratic institutions and processes. It
also promotes discussions on additional measures for the
cyber diplomacy toolbox and clear steps towards a strong-
er cyber diplomacy stance and a more resilient Union.
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Recommended citation
KASPER, Agnes; OSULA, Anna-Maria; MOLNÁR, Anna (2022). “Cyber security and EU cy-
ber diplomacy”. IDP. Internet, Law and Politics E-Journal. No. 34. UOC [Accessed: dd/mm/aa]
http://dx.doi.org/10.7238/idp.v0i34.387469
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About the authors
Agnes Kasper
Tallinn University of Technology (TalTech).
agnes.kasper@taltech.ee
Senior Lecturer of Law and Technology in the Department of Law of Tallinn University of Technology
(TalTech). She holds a BA in International Business, MA in Law and Ph.D. in Management, and received
formal trainings on technical aspects of cybersecurity and digital evidence. Dr Kasper teaches subjects
such as cybersecurity and law, IT contracts, digital evidence. Her current research focuses on regu-
latory aspects of cybersecurity and she is the lead coordinator for Erasmus+ project “Cyber Aware
Students for Public Administrations” (CASPA).
CASPA Project (Erasmus+ 2020-1-EE01-KA203-077958)
Anna-Maria Osula
Tallinn University of Technology (TalTech)
anna-maria.osula@ttu.ee
Senior policy off‌icer at Guardtime, with a focus on cyber security policy and regulation, and supporting
international R&D projects. She also serves as a senior researcher at Tallinn University of Technology
(TalTech), and as a research fellow at Masaryk University under the project “Cyber Security, Cyber
Crime and Critical Information Infrastructures Center of Excellence”. Previously, she worked as a legal
researcher at the NATO CCDCOE, focusing on national cyber security strategies, international organi-
sations, international criminal cooperation and norms. In addition to a Ph.D. in law from the University
of Tartu, she holds an LLM degree in IT law from Stockholm University.
CASPA Project (Erasmus+ 2020-1-EE01-KA203-077958)
Anna Molnár
University of Public Service (Budapest)
molnar.anna@uni-nke.hu
Professor at the University of Public Service (Budapest) and Head of the Department of International
Security Studies. She is the Head of the International Public Management bachelor›s program
and the International Public Service Relations Master. She was the Head of Programme of MA in
international studies at the University of Pannonia between 2010 and 2013. She received her Ph.D. in
international relations from the Corvinus University of Budapest (2003). Her published papers cover
a wide range of topics focusing on security studies, EU CFSP/CSDP, cyber security, Europeanization
of Hungary, and Italian politics.
CASPA Project (Erasmus+ 2020-1-EE01-KA203-077958)

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